Chapter 1 Bricks, Beads And Bones

The Harappan civilisation, also known as the Indus valley civilisation, is primarily understood through archaeological evidence left behind by its people. Artefacts like seals, beads, weights, pottery, tools, houses, and even baked bricks provide valuable insights into their lives.

The most iconic artefact is arguably the Harappan seal, typically made of steatite stone, often featuring animal motifs and signs from a script that remains undeciphered.

Archaeologists interpret this material evidence to reconstruct various aspects of the civilisation, and these interpretations can sometimes change as new evidence emerges or existing evidence is re-examined. Despite extensive work, some aspects of this ancient civilisation are still unknown.

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In archaeology, the term "culture" refers to a set of objects with a distinctive style, usually found together within a specific geographical area and time period. The Indus valley civilisation is called the Harappan culture because Harappa was the first site where its unique objects were discovered.

Distinctive objects of the Harappan culture include seals, beads, weights, stone blades, and baked bricks.

These objects have been found across a wide geographical area, including parts of present-day Afghanistan, Jammu (India), Baluchistan (Pakistan), and Gujarat (India).

The civilisation is formally dated between approximately c. 2600 and 1900 BCE. This main phase is sometimes called the Mature Harappan culture to distinguish it from earlier and later cultures (Early Harappan and Late Harappan) found in the same region.

Beginnings

Before the emergence of the Mature Harappan civilisation, several other archaeological cultures existed in the region. These were the Early Harappan cultures.

Characteristics of the Early Harappan cultures included:

• Association with distinctive types of pottery.
• Evidence indicating the practice of agriculture and pastoralism (animal rearing).
• Presence of some crafts.
• Settlements were generally small.
• Virtually no evidence of large buildings.

Archaeological evidence suggests a significant break between the Early Harappan and the subsequent Mature Harappan civilisation. This is indicated by large-scale burning found at some sites dating to the transition period, as well as the abandonment of certain Early Harappan settlements.

Subsistence Strategies

The Mature Harappan culture developed in many of the areas previously occupied by Early Harappan cultures, and they shared certain common aspects, including their methods of obtaining food (subsistence strategies).

The Harappans consumed a varied diet, including both plant and animal products, and fish.

Archaeologists reconstruct their dietary practices by studying preserved plant remains, particularly charred grains and seeds. Specialists in ancient plant remains are called archaeo-botanists.

Grains found at Harappan sites include wheat, barley, lentil, chickpea, and sesame. Millets have been found at sites in Gujarat, while rice finds are relatively rare.

Evidence of animal consumption comes from animal bones found at these sites. Studies by archaeo-zoologists or zoo-archaeologists indicate that animals such as cattle, sheep, goat, buffalo, and pig were domesticated by the Harappans.

Bones of wild species like boar, deer, and gharial have also been found. It is not definitively known whether the Harappans hunted these wild animals themselves or obtained meat from other communities who were hunters. Bones of fish and fowl have also been discovered.

Agricultural Technologies

The presence of cultivated grains clearly indicates that agriculture was practiced by the Harappans, but reconstructing the exact agricultural methods used is more challenging.

• Ploughing: Representations of bulls on seals and terracotta sculptures suggest that bulls were known and likely used for ploughing. Terracotta models of ploughs have also been found at sites like Cholistan and Banawali (Haryana).
• Ploughed Field: Evidence of a ploughed field with two sets of furrows intersecting at right angles has been discovered at Kalibangan (Rajasthan), dating back to Early Harappan levels. This pattern suggests that two different crops might have been grown simultaneously in the same field (double cropping).
• Harvesting: Identifying the tools used for harvesting is difficult. Archaeologists are unsure if they used stone blades set in wooden handles or metal tools (like copper tools shown in Fig 1.4).
• Irrigation: Most Harappan sites were located in semi-arid areas, suggesting that irrigation was likely necessary for agriculture. Traces of ancient canals have been found at Shortughai in Afghanistan, a Harappan site, but surprisingly not at sites in Punjab or Sind. It is possible that canals in these areas silted up long ago. Using water drawn from wells was also probably a method of irrigation. Additionally, large water reservoirs found at Dholavira (Gujarat) may have been used to store water specifically for agricultural purposes.

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Processing of Food:

Preparing food would have required tools for grinding cereals and spices, as well as vessels for mixing, blending, and cooking. These items were made from materials such as stone, metal, and terracotta.

Answer:

Mohenjodaro A Planned Urban Centre

One of the most distinctive and striking features of the Harappan civilisation was the sophisticated development of urban centres. Mohenjodaro is the most famous example, though Harappa was the first site to be discovered.

Harappan settlements, including Mohenjodaro, were typically divided into two main sections:

• The Citadel: Smaller in area but built on a higher elevation.
• The Lower Town: Much larger in area but located at a lower elevation.

The height of the Citadel was achieved by constructing buildings on elevated platforms made of mud bricks. The Citadel was also walled, physically separating it from the Lower Town.

The Lower Town was also fortified with walls. Many buildings within the Lower Town were also built on platforms that served as strong foundations. Archaeologists estimate that constructing these foundations would have required mobilising labour on a very large scale (e.g., four million person-days for Mohenjodaro).

Evidence suggests that the settlement was planned before construction. Once the platforms were ready, building activity was confined to these fixed areas.

Further indication of planning comes from the use of standardised bricks. Whether sun-dried or baked in kilns, bricks across all Harappan settlements followed a uniform ratio: their length was four times their height, and their breadth was twice their height. This consistency across the entire vast region is remarkable.

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Citadels Variations: While the two-part division (high western Citadel, low eastern Lower Town) is typical, variations exist. At sites like Dholavira and Lothal in Gujarat, the entire settlement was fortified, and sections within the town were separated by walls. At Lothal, the Citadel was built at a height but was not walled off from the rest of the settlement.

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The Plight of Harappa: Harappa, despite being the first discovered site, suffered extensive destruction by brick robbers. In 1875, Alexander Cunningham noted that enough bricks were taken from the ancient site to lay about 100 miles of railway line, severely damaging ancient structures. Mohenjodaro was much better preserved in comparison.

Laying Out Drains

One of the most notable and distinctive features of Harappan cities was their remarkably sophisticated and carefully planned drainage system.

The layout of roads and streets in the Lower Town followed an approximate "grid" pattern, intersecting each other at right angles.

Evidence suggests that the construction sequence was planned: streets with their accompanying drains were laid out first, and then residential houses were built along the streets following this pattern.

To ensure that domestic waste water could flow into the street drains, houses were designed such that at least one wall of every house faced and ran along a street.

Answer:

Importantly, developed drainage systems were not limited to the largest cities; they have also been found in smaller Harappan settlements. For example, at Lothal, even though houses were built of mud bricks, the drains were constructed using burnt bricks, indicating the importance placed on sanitation.

Domestic Architecture

Examples of residential buildings in Mohenjodaro are primarily found in the Lower Town area.

Many houses were built around a central courtyard, with rooms constructed on all sides opening into the courtyard. The courtyard likely served as the hub for various household activities, such as cooking and weaving, particularly in warm or dry weather.

Harappan domestic architecture also shows an apparent emphasis on privacy. Walls along the ground level facing the streets typically had no windows, preventing direct views into the houses. The main entrance to a house also did not provide a direct line of sight into the interior or the central courtyard.

Every house had a private bathroom, which was paved with bricks. Drains from these bathrooms were connected through the wall to the street drainage system.

Remains of staircases found in some houses suggest the possibility of a second storey or access to the roof.

Many houses had their own wells. Some wells were located in rooms that could be accessed from the outside, possibly allowing passers-by to use them. Scholars estimate that Mohenjodaro had a considerable number of wells, perhaps totaling around 700.

The Citadel

The Citadel, the smaller but elevated section of Harappan settlements, contained structures that archaeologists believe were used for special public purposes.

Key structures found on the Citadel at Mohenjodaro include:

• The Warehouse: A large, imposing structure. Only the lower sections made of brick survive; the upper parts, likely made of wood, have decayed over time.
• The Great Bath: A large rectangular tank located in a courtyard, surrounded by a corridor. Steps leading into the tank from the north and south. The tank was made watertight using carefully set bricks on edge and mortar made of gypsum. Rooms were present on three sides of the courtyard, including one containing a large well that likely supplied water to the tank. Water from the tank could drain into a huge adjacent drain.

Across a lane to the north of the Great Bath was a smaller building that contained eight bathrooms, four on each side of a corridor. Drains from each bathroom connected to a larger drain running along the corridor.

The unique nature of the Great Bath and its location within the Citadel, along with other distinctive public buildings, has led scholars to interpret it as a structure designed for some kind of special ritual bath.

Tracking Social Differences

Archaeologists use specific methods or strategies to investigate whether there were social or economic differences among the people living within a particular ancient culture, including the Harappan civilisation.

Two main strategies involve studying burials and analyzing artefacts, particularly looking for evidence of "luxuries."

Burials

Studying burials is one strategy archaeologists use to infer social stratification. For comparison, archaeologists look at other contemporaneous civilisations like the Egyptian pyramids, which served as royal burials filled with vast wealth, clearly indicating social hierarchy.

In Harappan sites, the dead were typically buried in pits. Variations in burial practices are observed, such as some burial pits being lined with bricks. Archaeologists consider whether these variations might indicate social differences, but this remains uncertain.

Some graves contain objects like pottery and ornaments, suggesting a possible belief that these items could be used by the deceased in the afterlife.

Jewellery has been found in the burials of both men and women. For example, during excavations at the Harappa cemetery in the mid-1980s, an ornament made of shell rings, a jasper bead, and micro beads was found near a male skull.

In some instances, bodies were buried with copper mirrors. However, overall, the Harappans do not seem to have practiced burying precious things with their dead on a large scale, unlike some other ancient civilisations.

Looking For “Luxuries”

Another strategy for identifying social differences involves classifying artefacts into broad categories: utilitarian and luxuries.

• Utilitarian Objects: These are objects of daily use that were relatively easy to make from common, ordinary materials like stone or clay. Examples include querns (grinding stones), pottery, needles, and flesh-rubbers. Such items are typically found distributed widely throughout Harappan settlements.
• Luxury Objects: Archaeologists consider objects as luxuries if they are rare, made from costly or non-local materials, or crafted using complicated technologies. These items imply higher value or limited access. Examples include small pots made of faience (a material made of ground sand/silica mixed with gum and fired), which were difficult to produce and likely considered precious.

Sometimes, classifying artefacts is complex. For example, finding a spindle whorl (used for spinning yarn, a daily activity) made of a rare material like faience raises questions about whether it was utilitarian or a luxury item.

Studying the distribution of artefacts provides further clues. Rare and valuable objects tend to be concentrated in large settlements like Mohenjodaro and Harappa, while being rarely found in smaller settlements like Kalibangan.

Gold was also rare in the Harappan civilisation and was likely precious, similar to today. All recovered gold jewellery from Harappan sites has been found in hoards (collections of objects carefully stored, often in pots). These finds are usually accidental discoveries of stored wealth that was never retrieved by the original owners.

Finding Out About Craft Production

Archaeologists have identified centres specifically dedicated to craft production within the Harappan civilisation.

Chanhudaro is an important example of a settlement that was almost exclusively devoted to craft production. It was a very small settlement (less than 7 hectares) compared to major cities like Mohenjodaro (125 hectares).

Crafts practiced at Chanhudaro included bead-making, shell-cutting, metal-working, seal-making, and weight-making.

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Bead-Making: The variety of materials used for making beads was remarkable. These included:

• Stones: Carnelian (red), jasper, crystal, quartz, steatite.
• Metals: Copper, bronze, gold.
• Other materials: Shell, faience, terracotta (burnt clay).

Beads were made in numerous shapes (disc, cylindrical, spherical, barrel, segmented). Some combined two or more stones cemented together, or stones with gold caps. Many were decorated by incising, painting, or etching designs.

Techniques varied depending on the material. Steatite, being soft, was easily worked. Beads were also moulded from a paste made of steatite powder, allowing for a variety of shapes beyond the geometric forms made from harder stones. The method for making steatite micro beads remains archaeologically puzzling.

Experiments by archaeologists have recreated the process for making carnelian beads, involving firing the yellowish raw material and beads at different stages to achieve the desired red colour. Nodules were chipped and flaked into rough and then final shapes, followed by grinding, polishing, and drilling.

Specialized drills used in bead-making have been found at Chanhudaro, Lothal, and Dholavira.

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Shell Working: Nageshwar and Balakot, located near the coast, were specialised centres for making shell objects such as bangles, ladles, and inlay. These products were then transported to other Harappan settlements.

Similarly, finished goods like beads from Chanhudaro and Lothal were likely transported to major urban centres like Mohenjodaro and Harappa.

Identifying Centres Of Production

To identify specific sites or areas within settlements where craft production took place, archaeologists look for various types of evidence:

• Presence of raw materials that would not naturally occur in that state (e.g., stone nodules, whole shells, copper ore).
• Specific tools used in crafting.
• Unfinished objects at various stages of production.
• Rejects (items discarded due to flaws).
• Most importantly, waste material generated during the crafting process (e.g., pieces of stone or shell discarded after cutting). Miniscule bits of waste are particularly indicative of a production site.

These traces of craft activities suggest that while small, specialised centres like Chanhudaro existed, craft production was also carried out within larger cities such as Mohenjodaro and Harappa, perhaps in specific workshops or areas.

Strategies For Procuring Materials

The Harappan civilisation utilized a variety of materials for craft production and other purposes. While some materials like clay were available locally within the alluvial plains, many others, such as certain stones, timber, and metals, had to be obtained from areas outside the immediate plains.

Methods of transportation likely included land routes, evidenced by terracotta toy models of bullock carts, and riverine routes along the Indus and its tributaries, as well as coastal routes.

Materials From The Subcontinent And Beyond

The Harappans employed different strategies to procure raw materials:

• Establishing Settlements near Sources: They set up settlements in areas where specific materials were readily available. Examples: Nageshwar and Balakot (for shell), Shortughai in far-off Afghanistan (near the best source of lapis lazuli, a blue stone highly valued). Lothal was strategically located near sources of carnelian (from Bharuch, Gujarat), steatite (from south Rajasthan and north Gujarat), and metal (from Rajasthan).
• Sending Expeditions: They likely sent teams or expeditions to areas known for resources like the Khetri region in Rajasthan (for copper) and south India (for gold). These expeditions would have involved establishing communication and interaction with the local communities in those resource-rich areas.

Evidence of these contacts includes occasional finds of Harappan artefacts, such as steatite micro beads, in these resource areas, suggesting interaction and exchange.

In the Khetri area, archaeological evidence indicates the presence of the Ganeshwar-Jodhpura culture, which had distinctive non-Harappan pottery but an unusual abundance of copper objects. It is considered possible that these inhabitants supplied copper to the Harappans.

Contact With Distant Lands

Archaeological findings suggest that the Harappans also obtained materials from regions outside the subcontinent.

• Copper from Oman: Evidence points to copper being brought from Oman, located on the southeastern tip of the Arabian peninsula. Chemical analysis revealing traces of nickel in both Omani copper and Harappan copper artefacts supports this idea of a common origin.
• Other traces of contact with Oman include findings of a distinctive large Harappan jar, coated with a thick layer of black clay (likely to prevent liquid from leaking), found at Omani sites. The contents transported in these vessels are unknown, but it is speculated that the Harappans exchanged the contents for Omani copper.

Written texts from Mesopotamia dating to the third millennium BCE refer to copper coming from a region called Magan, which archaeologists believe is likely a name for Oman. Interestingly, copper found at Mesopotamian sites also contains traces of nickel, further linking Magan/Oman to Mesopotamia and potentially the Harappan region.

Other archaeological evidence suggesting long-distance trade contacts includes Harappan seals, weights, dice, and beads found at Mesopotamian sites.

Mesopotamian texts mention trade contact with regions named Dilmun (thought to be the island of Bahrain), Magan (Oman), and Meluhha, which is widely believed to refer to the Harappan region. These texts list products imported from Meluhha, including carnelian, lapis lazuli, copper, gold, and various types of wood.

A Mesopotamian myth about Meluhha mentions the "haja-bird," whose call was heard in the royal palace. Some archaeologists speculate that the "haja-bird" might have been the peacock, possibly named after its distinctive call.

Communication and trade with regions like Oman, Bahrain (Dilmun), and Mesopotamia were likely conducted by sea. Mesopotamian texts describe Meluhha as a "land of seafarers," and Harappan seals depict ships and boats, supporting the idea of maritime trade.

Seals, Script, Weights

Seals, the undeciphered script, and a system of weights are key elements that provide insights into the administrative and economic aspects of the Harappan civilisation.

Seals And Sealings

Seals were used along with sealings to facilitate long-distance communication and regulate trade.

Process of sealing: When goods were sent in a bag, its mouth was tied with rope. Wet clay was applied to the knot, and one or more seals were pressed onto the clay, leaving the impression of the seal's motif and script.

If the bag arrived with its sealing intact, it served as proof that the contents had not been opened or tampered with during transit. The sealing also conveyed the identity of the sender, similar to a modern signature or stamp.

An Enigmatic Script

Most Harappan seals feature a line of writing above the animal motif. Scholars believe this writing likely contained the name and title of the seal's owner. The animal motif itself might have conveyed meaning to people who were unable to read the script.

Harappan inscriptions are generally short, with the longest known containing about 26 signs.

A major challenge for archaeologists is that the Harappan script remains undeciphered to this day, limiting direct understanding of their language and written records.

Based on the number of signs (between 375 and 400), the script was evidently not alphabetical (where each sign represents a single sound). It is likely a logo-syllabic script (where signs represent words or syllables).

Observations of how the script is written on seals suggest that it was written from right to left. This is inferred from seals where the spacing of signs is wider on the right and becomes cramped on the left, as if the engraver started from the right edge and ran out of space.

Writing has been found on a variety of objects, including seals, copper tools, rims of pottery jars, copper and terracotta tablets, jewellery, bone rods, and even an ancient signboard. The presence of writing on many different types of objects suggests the possibility that literacy might have been widespread in Harappan society, although writing on perishable materials might also have existed.

Weights

Trade and exchanges within the Harappan civilisation were regulated by a precise and standardized system of weights.

These weights were typically made of a stone called chert and were generally cubical in shape, with no markings (similar to the beads in Fig 1.2).

The system used different denominations:

• Lower denominations followed a binary system (1:2:4:8:16:32, etc., up to 12,800).
• Higher denominations followed a decimal system.

Smaller weights were probably used for weighing valuable items like jewellery and beads. Metal scale-pans have also been discovered, indicating the use of balances for weighing.

Ancient Authority

Archaeological evidence suggests that complex decisions were made and implemented across the vast Harappan region. This implies the existence of some form of ancient authority or organisation.

Indicators of this complex organisation include:

• The extraordinary uniformity of Harappan artefacts (pottery, seals, weights, and crucially, bricks) found across the entire region, from Jammu in the north to Gujarat in the south. This consistency suggests central control over production standards.
• The strategic selection and establishment of settlements in specific locations, likely for access to resources or trade routes.
• The mobilisation of labour on a large scale for tasks such as making millions of bricks and constructing massive walls and elevated platforms in urban centres.

These organised activities raise the question: who or what organised and controlled them?

Palaces And Kings

Archaeological records do not provide clear or immediate answers when searching for a central power structure, such as palaces or depictions of people in authority (like kings).

• A large building found at Mohenjodaro was tentatively labeled as a "palace" by archaeologists, but no spectacular wealth or clear signs of royalty were found within it.
• A famous stone statue has been labeled the "priest-king". This interpretation was influenced by archaeologists' familiarity with Mesopotamian civilisation, where "priest-kings" held both religious and political power, and finding perceived parallels in the Indus region. However, the religious practices of the Harappans are not well understood, and there is no clear evidence linking ritual performers with political authority.

Interpretations regarding the nature of authority in Harappan society vary among archaeologists:

• Some believe there were no rulers and everyone had equal status.
• Others suggest there were multiple rulers, with different cities (like Mohenjodaro and Harappa) having separate rulers.
• Yet others argue for the existence of a single, unified state governing the entire civilisation. This theory is supported by the widespread similarity in artefacts, evidence of planned urban centres, the standardized brick ratio used across the region, and the strategic establishment of settlements near resource areas.

As of the time of writing, the theory suggesting a single state seems the most plausible to some archaeologists, arguing that it is unlikely such complex and uniform decisions and large-scale mobilisations could have been achieved solely through collective action by entire communities without a central organising authority.

The End Of The Civilisation

Archaeological evidence indicates that the Mature Harappan civilisation began to decline by approximately c. 1800 BCE.

Signs of decline include:

• Abandonment of most Mature Harappan sites in regions like Cholistan.
• A simultaneous expansion of population into new settlements in areas like Gujarat, Haryana, and western Uttar Pradesh (suggesting migration from the core Harappan region).

In the remaining Harappan sites that continued to be inhabited after 1900 BCE, there appears to have been a significant transformation in material culture:

• Disappearance of distinctive Harappan artefacts like weights, seals, and special beads.
• Cessation of key practices such as writing, long-distance trade, and craft specialisation.
• A general reduction in the variety of materials used and the number of objects produced.
• Deterioration in house construction techniques.
• Absence of new large public structures.

Collectively, the artefacts and settlements from this later period (often called "Late Harappan" or "successor cultures") indicate a return to a more rural way of life compared to the sophisticated urbanism of the Mature Harappan period.

Numerous explanations have been proposed for what caused the collapse of the Harappan civilisation, including:

• Climatic change.
• Deforestation.
• Excessive floods.
• Shifting or drying up of rivers (like the Ghaggar-Hakra).
• Overuse and degradation of the landscape.

However, many of these proposed "causes" might explain the decline of specific settlements or regions, but they do not fully account for the collapse of the entire, widespread civilisation.

The most likely explanation, as suggested by the widespread changes observed, is the end of a strong unifying element, possibly the Harappan state itself. Evidence for this includes the widespread disappearance of seals, the script, standardized weights, and the decline or abandonment of urban centres.

Following the end of the Harappan civilisation, the subcontinent would not see the development of new cities for over a millennium. When urban centres re-emerged, they did so in a completely different region (the Ganga valley).

Discovering The Harappan Civilisation

Beyond reconstructing the life of the Harappans, there is also the story of how archaeologists themselves "discovered" this ancient civilisation, which had been lost to memory for millennia after its cities fell into ruin.

When people settled in the region again thousands of years later, they would occasionally find strange artefacts (exposed by floods, erosion, ploughing, or treasure hunting) but did not understand their origin or significance.

Cunningham’s Confusion

Alexander Cunningham, the first Director-General of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) in the mid-19th century (often called the father of Indian archaeology), began excavations with a preference for using written texts (like those from the Early Historic period) as guides. His primary interest was in the archaeology of the Early Historic period (c. 6th century BCE – 4th century CE) and later.

Cunningham used accounts of Chinese Buddhist pilgrims who visited India between the 4th and 7th centuries CE to locate early settlements mentioned in those texts. He also focused on collecting, documenting, and translating inscriptions found during his surveys, as these related to the historical periods he was interested in.

A site like Harappa did not fit neatly into Cunningham's framework because it was not mentioned by the Chinese pilgrims and was not known as an Early Historic city. Therefore, even though Harappan artefacts were found quite often in the 19th century and some reached Cunningham, he did not recognize how ancient they were.

A Harappan seal was given to Cunningham by an Englishman. He noted the object and even sketched it (Fig 1.24) but was unable to place it within the historical timeline he was familiar with. This was because he, like many scholars at the time, believed that Indian history and its first cities began much later with the emergence of cities in the Ganga valley during the Early Historic period. Given his specific focus and assumptions, he missed the true significance and antiquity of Harappa and its artefacts.

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Sites, Mounds, Layers:

Archaeological sites are formed over long periods as people produce, use, and discard materials and build structures. When people continuously inhabit the same location, the accumulation of debris from their activities builds up over time, forming elevated areas known as mounds.

Brief or permanent abandonment of a site leads to changes in the landscape due to natural processes like wind and water erosion.

Occupations at a site are revealed through traces of ancient materials found in successive layers (strata). These layers differ in characteristics like colour, texture, and the types of artefacts found within them. Periods of abandonment or desertion are visible as "sterile layers" that lack traces of human activity.

Generally, in a mound, the lowest layers are the oldest, and the layers closer to the surface are more recent. The study and interpretation of these layers is called stratigraphy. Artefacts found within specific layers can be assigned to particular cultural periods, helping archaeologists reconstruct the cultural sequence of a site.

A New Old Civilisation

Following Cunningham, archaeologists like Daya Ram Sahni discovered more seals at Harappa in the early decades of the 20th century. These seals were found in stratigraphic layers that were clearly much older than the Early Historic period, leading to the realisation of their ancient significance.

Separately, another archaeologist, Rakhal Das Banerji, found similar seals at Mohenjodaro. This led to the crucial understanding that Harappa and Mohenjodaro were part of a single, unified archaeological culture.

Based on these key discoveries, John Marshall, the Director-General of the ASI in 1924, officially announced to the world the discovery of a new civilisation in the Indus valley.

The impact of this discovery was immense, effectively making "India three thousand years older than he had found her" (S.N. Roy), as it pushed back the known timeline of urban civilisation in the subcontinent significantly.

Furthermore, similar, previously unidentified seals were found at excavations at Mesopotamian sites. This confirmed that the newly discovered Indus civilisation was contemporaneous with Mesopotamia, one of the oldest known civilisations.

John Marshall's time as Director-General marked a major shift in Indian archaeology. He was the first trained professional archaeologist to work in India, bringing systematic approaches based on his experience in Greece and Crete. While also interested in spectacular finds, he placed equal importance on studying patterns of everyday life.

However, Marshall's excavation methodology had limitations. He tended to excavate along regular, uniform horizontal units throughout the mound, rather than strictly following the natural stratigraphic layers. This resulted in artefacts from different layers being grouped together in the same unit, leading to the irretrievable loss of valuable information about the precise context and chronological sequence of finds.

New Techniques And Questions

The limitations of Marshall's excavation method were rectified by R.E.M. Wheeler when he became Director-General of the ASI in 1944. Wheeler emphasized the critical importance of strictly following the stratigraphy of the mound during excavation. A former army brigadier, he brought military precision and discipline to archaeological practices in India.

With the partition of the subcontinent in 1947 and the creation of Pakistan, major Harappan sites like Harappa and Mohenjodaro became part of Pakistani territory. This prompted Indian archaeologists to intensify efforts to locate and excavate Harappan sites within India.

These efforts have been successful. Extensive surveys in regions like Kutch (Gujarat) and explorations in Punjab and Haryana have identified numerous Harappan settlements. Significant sites like Kalibangan, Lothal, Rakhi Garhi, and most recently Dholavira have been discovered, explored, and excavated as a result of these endeavors, and fresh explorations continue.

Over the decades, the focus and questions in Harappan archaeology have evolved. While some archaeologists prioritize establishing a clear cultural sequence (timeline of different cultures), others are more interested in understanding the reasoning behind the location of specific sites (settlement patterns) or analyzing the vast wealth of artefacts to determine their possible functions and meanings.

Since the 1980s, there has been increased international collaboration in Harappan archaeology, with specialists from India and abroad working jointly at major sites like Harappa and Mohenjodaro. They employ modern scientific techniques, including surface exploration to detect traces of materials and minute analysis of excavated evidence, promising new insights in the future.

Problems Of Piecing Together The Past

Reconstructing the history and life of the Harappan civilisation is challenging, especially because the Harappan script remains undeciphered, meaning written records cannot yet be directly understood.

Archaeologists rely primarily on the surviving material evidence (pottery, tools, ornaments, household objects, structures) to piece together the past. However, this material evidence has limitations:

• Organic materials like cloth, leather, wood, and reeds usually decompose over time, particularly in tropical climates. What survives is mainly durable material like stone, burnt clay (terracotta), and metal.
• Only discarded or broken objects are typically found in archaeological contexts. Valuable or useful items were often recycled.
• Therefore, intact valuable artefacts found are likely those that were lost accidentally or intentionally hoarded and never retrieved. Such finds are thus exceptions rather than representative of everyday life.

Classifying Finds

Recovering artefacts is just the initial step. Archaeologists then undertake the complex task of classifying their finds.

• Classification by Material: A simple principle is classifying artefacts based on the material they are made from (stone, clay, metal, bone, ivory, etc.).
• Classification by Function: A more complicated process involves determining the purpose or function of an artefact. Archaeologists have to decide if an object was a tool, an ornament, both, or intended for ritual use.

Understanding an artefact's function is often based on its resemblance to objects used today (e.g., beads, querns, stone blades, pots). Archaeologists also consider the context in which an artefact was found – was it in a house, a drain, a grave, or a kiln?

Sometimes, archaeologists use indirect evidence. For instance, while traces of cotton have been found, understanding Harappan clothing relies on indirect evidence like depictions in sculpture or figurines.

Archaeologists need to develop 'frames of reference' or contexts to interpret finds. The first Harappan seal discovered could not be understood until it was placed within a known cultural sequence and compared with contemporaneous finds from other civilisations like Mesopotamia, which provided the necessary context for interpretation.

Problems Of Interpretation

The challenges of archaeological interpretation are particularly evident when archaeologists attempt to reconstruct the religious beliefs and practices of the Harappans.

Early archaeologists often attributed religious significance to objects that appeared unusual or unfamiliar to them.

Examples of objects given religious interpretations:

• Terracotta figurines of women (heavily jewelled, elaborate head-dresses) were interpreted as representations of "mother goddesses."
• Rare stone statuary of men (in a standardized seated posture) like the "priest-king" figure were also classified as having religious significance.
• Certain structures, such as the Great Bath and fire altars found at Kalibangan and Lothal, were assigned ritual significance based on their unique characteristics or context.

Attempts have also been made to reconstruct religious beliefs from seals that appear to depict ritual scenes or plant motifs (thought to represent nature worship). Some animals on seals, like the one-horned animal ("unicorn") or composite creatures, seem mythical.

A figure shown seated cross-legged on some seals, sometimes surrounded by animals, has been interpreted as "proto-Shiva," suggesting an early form of the Hindu deity Shiva (Pashupati - lord of animals, and possibly a yogi). Conical stone objects have been classified as lingas (symbols of Shiva).

Many reconstructions of Harappan religion are based on the assumption that later traditions (particularly Hinduism) provide parallels with earlier ones. This method moves from the known (present/later practices) to the unknown (ancient practices), which is plausible for utilitarian items but becomes more speculative for religious interpretations.

Critique of the "proto-Shiva" interpretation: The earliest Hindu religious text, the Rigveda (compiled later, c. 1500-1000 BCE), mentions a god named Rudra (later associated with Shiva). However, Rudra in the Rigveda is not depicted as Pashupati or a yogi, unlike the figure on the seal. This discrepancy leads some scholars to suggest the figure might represent something else, such as a shaman (someone believed to have healing/magical powers and communicate with other worlds).

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Achievements and Unanswered Questions:

Despite decades of archaeological work, a fairly good understanding of the Harappan economy and some insights into social differences and how the civilisation functioned have been achieved.

However, many questions remain unanswered, and several reconstructions are still speculative. If the script were deciphered, it could potentially answer questions about the language spoken by the Harappans and provide direct insights into their beliefs and society.

Specific unanswered questions include: Was the Great Bath exclusively for ritual use? How widespread was literacy? Why do burials show limited social differentiation? Were women involved in craft production beyond tasks like painting pots? What was the purpose of the terracotta female figurines? Issues related to gender roles are a significant area for future research.